| Patna,(BiharTimes):    What upsets the Nitish government most is the Press Council of   India chief, Markandey Katju’s remarks that there was no Press censorship during   the Lalu regime. As an arch-rival it was natural that the NDA government was not   going to give any credit whatsoever to the Lalu-Rabri   regime. But Markandey Katju may   not be alone in holding such view. There are even many ardent fans of Nitish   Kumar and not just his opponents––his own party ministers, legislators,   office-bearers––who do not approve the way the Press is being treated by him in   Bihar.  However, this does not   mean that everything was hunky-dory in Bihar in the past so far Press is   concern. No doubt Emergency was a dark chapter in country’s history, yet it is   also true that efforts were made to control, manage, gag and allure the Press   even after that.   When the then chief   minister Dr Jagannath Mishra tried to bring in the Press Bill in early 1980s he   was stoutly opposed by the journalists. The state government had to drop the   idea. But the Press was then only confined to a handful of Hindi, English and   Urdu newspapers. There was no electronic channel, not even Doordarshan, no   internet and no other means to get information. BBC radio service was a possible   alternative. So the government’s   criticism was limited to the print media, whose circulation was small. Yet Dr   Mishra almost went on to  legislate a Draconian law, which suggest   how intolerant he was towards criticism.  The Lalu era was too   long to be clubbed into one. Initially, Lalu Yadav was least bothered about the   post-Mandal “upper caste media”.  He used to think that more the   media writes against him the more strong politically he would be. Once Lalu told   an English journalist that write as much as you can against him, but do not   forget to carry his photo, as his supporters would love to see it.  However gradually, as   most rulers, the then chief minister too started managing the Hindi media.   However, he was least concerned about the English newspapers as he was aware   that his supporters do not read them. So while the English Press carried a   relentless campaign against him, especially during the fodder scam days, the   Hindi Press was somewhat guarded in criticism for obvious reasons. Bihar had not   so many Hindi dailies then as now.  Yet there is a   difference. During the Lalu years the opposition parties and civil society   groups used to get due coverage in the media, which is hardly possible   now. The private electronic   channels came much later. Though they were mostly critical of Lalu Yadav, who   was by then neck deep in trouble over the fodder scam, yet he knew its   importance. He would especially invite cameramen and correspondents of the   private channels to give bytes and interviews. Since there was a large number of   takers of his rustic one-liners all over the country and some people still crazy   to see him on the screens he fully exploited this opportunity for his own   end. But then Lalu as the   railway minister was quite a different man. True he initiated several big and   small projects for Bihar, yet like his predecessors Ram Vilas Paswan and Nitish   Kumar, he fully used the print media. The phenomenon of big newspaper   advertisements for the dailies of Bihar for the inauguration of projects––big or   small––which started during the tenure of Ram Vilas (as the railway minister)   continued during Lalu’s year in the Rail Bhawan   too. Like Lalu, the LJP   leader Ram Vilas Paswan, too tried to project himself as the leader of poor   masses. But, while Lalu initially paid least attention to the Press, Ram Vilas   took full help of media to cultivate his image. Not just as the railway   minister in the Deve Gowda and Inder Kumar Gujral governments in mid-1990s, but   even as the telecommunication minister in the Vajpayee government he would give   huge advertisements to newspapers of Bihar. Ram Vilas tried to make friends in   the media by making a large number of journalists of the state member of   telephone users consultative committee and thus offered them free phone   connections.  The move paid. Media in   Bihar started calling him Ram ‘Vikas’ (Development) Paswan. However, the Press   showed their ‘ingratitude’ when he quit the Vajpayee government in 2002 and   joined hands with Lalu Yadav during the 2004 parliamentary election. The same   media now started calling him Ram ‘Vinash’ (Destruction) Paswan, even though he   became the minister of Steel and Fertilizers in the   UPA-I. The problem with the   Nitish regime is that it has adopted a new strategy to deal with the Press.   Besides, by the time Nitish Kumar came to power in Bihar in November 2005 the   country had been undergoing information explosion. The print media got expanded   with many newspapers having their edition from cities other than Patna. Quite a   few regional television channels came up. News-portals are not only confined to   English, but the state has a couple of Hindi news-portals too.  So gagging the Press   today is not so easy a task as it is made out to be. While the Nitish Kumar   government is busy alluring and silencing the print media with the help of   advertisements it is unable to do the same with electronic media and   news-portals. The present chief minister is image conscious and, unlike Lalu   Yadav, has a very good following among the educated middle class and upper   castes. Journalists consider   individual cases of assault as occupational hazards and this had happened even   in the past, that is, during the regimes of Lalu Yadav, Dr Mishra or anyone   else. Even during the nine months of President’s Rule in 2005 there were cases   of individual attack on them.   What is disturbing now   is the the organized way in which the state machinery is getting journalists   sacked or transferred at the drop of a hat if they dare to write anything   against the state government.  Unlike in the past,   today when a journalist is targeted it does not make any news. So when a   murderous assault was made on Amarnath Tewary, the Assistant Editor of English   daily, The Pioneer, on Jan 27 last by a BJP leader, her son and henchmen in   Patna newspapers did not dare to report it.  Even when journalists   met in Patna and passed a resolution demanding action against the accused the   print media gave no coverage. Those who attended that meeting to show solidarity   to Tewary failed to get this very news published in their own respective   dailies.  A delegation of   journalists, who wanted to call on the chief minister, did not get time though   they made repeated attempt to meet him.  It was after that the   Press Council of India chairman, Markandey Katju, was approached.       
 
   comments...   
      The all four regime namely Mishar, Lalu, Ramvilas and Nitish have hired the   pen and leased the airwaves to attain their political goals someway or the   other. We need to understand why the fourth Estate has been up for sale and   since when. As I have mentioned in my earlier writings the idea of controlling   the propaganda machinery has been propounded by the Zionists for stealthily   repressing the lesser wise in political arena. Fourth Estate has been a rogue   state since then. Since the Indian political players are directly guided by   their masters in Tel Aviv.The freedom of press is largely stymied and truthful   reporting can not reach public eyes in the presence of such an evil   nexus.Corporate media is setup with the intention of minting money rather than   speaking the truth. Journalism is largely a concubine of political bigwigs and   paid news is the order of the day.Pay and turn the news to your end and the best   way to understand it is to see the small group of employees or students or   social groups or community leaders sitting on Dharna at various chowks almost   everyday in some or the other corners of every city in Bihar while their genuine   demands are completely rejected by the authorities for lack of enough media   coverage.Until of course the agitation turns violent and serious public injuries   or casualties are inflicted by the police in the name of law and order.Still   month long public movement and casualties do not find a place in the print or   electronic media as deservedly as the million dollar marriage ceremony of the   kin of a political scamster. Simply because the journos get no gifts from people   suffering at the hands of the government.The masters of the throne however   reward them richly. Remoralising the fourth estate from the grass root is an   obituary of an idea.The tsunami of common man's anger over the perennial   injustice is building up in peoples' heart and mind and one should not be   surprised if the Arab spring reaches our shores and destroys the tactical Indian   democracy like a house of cards.  
 Arshad Mohsin Kuwait   |