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          The assembly election results are not all good news for the country, the   government that leads it and states like Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and   Punjab.While the setbacks suffered by the Congress mean that the   Manmohan Singh government will be unable to take any bold initiative on the   reforms front, the scene will continue to be uncertain in Uttar Pradesh despite   the majority secured by the Samajwadi Party (SP) although the outcome is   expected to favour stability and purposefulness.
 |  But the reasons for the pessimism about Uttar Pradesh are, first, the fact that   the SP hasn't won so much by the dint of its own merit as on the rebound from   the huge disenchantment with the last Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) government,   especially among the upper castes and Muslims. And, secondly, because the signs   of the SP's old behavioural flaws became evident even before the results were   announced when the party's workers went on a rampage in Jhansi and subsequently   in other towns.
 True the SP leaders, and especially its rising star,   Akhilesh Yadav, are aware of this damaging trait in their outfit and will   undoubtedly try hard to restrain the cadres. But, just as a similar promise by   Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal has not been noticeably successful, it is hard to   say how effective Akhilesh will be in dousing a propensity for which the SP has   long been known and which led to its resounding defeat five years   ago.
 
 Besides, Akhilesh is an untested leader who is surrounded by old war   horses who may be difficult to tame and who probably know of no other way to be   politically effective except via the flaunting of money and muscle power - the   familiar roads to success in the Hindi heartland.
 
 It will be several   weeks, therefore, before one will know whether the electoral verdict is a boon   or a bane for the state. In any event, even if the violence subsides, the first   stint of Akhilesh in the government in whatever capacity will come under   scrutiny.
 
 In Uttarakhand, the virtual tie between the Congress and the   Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has facilitated the scope for horse-trading now and   in future, which means that no government will be able to settle   down.
 
 Although Parkash Singh Badal's government in Punjab does not face   the problem of unruly cadres or the threat of defections, its negative feature   is of a different nature. Having come to power with promises of freebies such as   atta-dal, electricity and water, the state government is likely to make a   mockery of fiscal discipline, setting a bad example even for the centre where   Pranab Mukherjee's confession about spending sleepless nights over subsidies   will acquire a darker hue.
 
 It is only Manipur and Goa which are likely to   remain trouble-free for the time being with the Congress and the BJP   respectively running stable governments. But it is not possible to be too sure   of Goa, where the 40-member legislature tends to evoke a comment from tourist   guides about 'chalis chor' vide 'Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves'.
 
 But,   even as the states go their own way, the focus will be on the government at the   centre. Battered and bruised as it has been over the last one year with   accusations of scams and policy paralysis, it will have to find a way to avoid   being seen as hobbling towards the finishing line in 2014. Congress president   Sonia Gandhi's assurance that there will be no change of prime minister will   only be a mild relief to Manmohan Singh since Rahul Gandhi's second failure   after Bihar in 2010 to rejuvenate the Congress in Uttar Pradesh has ruled him   out any way.
 
 Having had to deny twice last year that he was a "lame   duck", the prime minister will have to ensure that he will not have to issue a   third refutation. The best way to do so will be to opt for big ticket reforms.   But with one ally, the SP, having become more powerful than before and thereby   further emboldening a second, the Trinamool Congress, the government will   hesitate to take a major step. It now probably realises the mistake it made when   it backtracked on the introduction of foreign investment in the retail sector in   the hope that the post-poll scene will be more propitious.
 
 Had it taken   the step earlier, especially since the initiative has Rahul Gandhi's support, it   may have been able to call the Trinamool Congress' bluff. But the government's   ideological conviction was not strong enough to overcome its timidity. It is now   probably too late for the government to shed its diffidence or muster sufficient   courage to explain to the parties wearing regional blinkers the indispensability   of market-oriented policies. But, unless it does so, it will suffer the   humiliation of being pushed around by contemptuous partners, which will   undermine its political credibility.
 
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