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          For once, the Congress seems to have been able to get its act together on the   presidential poll with its two possible candidates, Hamid Ansari and Pranab   Mukherjee, running ahead of the rest of the pack.
 |  However, the party itself can hardly be credited with this achievement. Instead,   it is really a gift of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and, more particularly,   of its leader in the Lok Sabha, Sushma Swaraj, whose gaffes have landed the   principal opposition party in a mess.
 Apart from confirming how the BJP's   leadership tangle remains unresolved, what the episode underlined was the   party's warped ideas on the subject of the next president. When Swaraj   peremptorily and unilaterally ruled out the question of support for Ansari and   Mukherjee, she was acting in accordance with the BJP's conditioned reflexes of   anti-Muslim and anti-Congress postures.
 
 Her charge that the vice   president lacked stature was laughable, especially in the context of the   lacklustre background of the present president, Pratibha Patil, whose elevation   five years ago had surprised and amused the political world since many outside   Maharashtra didn't even know who she was. "Pratibha who?" was the question which   was asked. Since then, her tenure - though thankfully devoid of major   controversies - has hardly enhanced her stature. India's first woman president,   therefore, will go down in history as something of a   disappointment.
 
 Swaraj's assertion, therefore, that the far more   distinguished Ansari lacked stature was odd, to say the least. Her objection   appeared to have been based on the fact, therefore, that Ansari was a Muslim   and, for the BJP, to straightaway endorse a Muslim candidate would go against   the party's grain.
 
 Since she couldn't state the obvious, she took a   roundabout way of restating the party's "secularism" by naming former president   A.P.J. Abdul Kalam as a nominee. Kalam, of course, has enjoyed the BJP's support   in the past if only because he shares some of the party's views of Indian   history. He is also known for his scientific achievements and personal   integrity. But, having already been president, it will be strange to elevate him   to the post again, especially when he is now 81. What the suggestion showed,   therefore, was the BJP's bankruptcy of ideas and also how bare was its cupboard   of possible Muslim candidates. And this, in the world's second largest Muslim   country.
 
 It will be unfair to deny that the Congress' calculations in   choosing Ansari have nothing to do with the Muslim angle. But it acts with long   practised sophistication in these matters, born of years of accommodating Muslim   dignitaries inside and outside the organisation. So from the distinguished   academic Zakir Hussain to the unprepossessing Mohammed Hidayatullah, to Ansari,   the Congress has nurtured individuals of varying potential as followers and   admirers.
 
 If Ansari stumbles at the last hurdle, it will be due to the   habitually contrarian Mamata Banerjee, who is totting up one by one her unending   opposition to the Congress' initiatives. In Ansari's case, it is his supposed   friendliness towards the Marxists which is unacceptable to the West Bengal chief   minister. If there was no other alternative, she would have wondered about the   impact of her opposition to Ansari on her Muslim base in the state.
 
 But,   fortunately for her, there is an alternative in Mukherjee, who can become the   country's first Bengali president if Mamata plumps for him. And, for Mamata, it   will be something for which she can claim credit back home where little is going   right for her at the moment.
 
 For the Congress, it is a Hobson's choice.   The party will dearly love to install Ansari with the next general election two   years away when his elevation will enable it to mobilise Muslim support. The   move will also enable it to keep some parties of the Hindi belt on its side -   the Samajwadi Party, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the Rashtriya Janata Dal   (RJD), and others who always wear their "secularism" on their sleeves. But the   Congress is not sure whether Mukherjee's wider acceptability - he can expect the   BJP's support as well - makes him a safer bet.
 
 In these turbulent   political times, when the Congress' credibility is low and when it may have to   run an even weaker coalition government in 2014, Mukherjee's sharp political   mind, his grasp of constitutional niceties and skills as a mediator will be of   as much value inside Rashtrapati Bhavan as outside. It will also be in the   fitness of things that when the young prince ascends to the throne, the old   family loyalist will be there behind the scenes with his advice and consent.
 
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