A
section of scholars is suggesting that history should be done away
with from the school syllabus, especially in the primary and secondary
levels. Perhaps, the controversy over the subject in the wake of the
BJP-led government changing texts and syllabi and the Congress government
reversing the process, has inspired academicians to plead for so.
However, will such an advocacy provide a solution? After all, what
we do today becomes tomorrow's history and forms the basis for our
plans for the day after.
When
we put history in the context of a state like Jharkhand, beset with
social, economic and political problems - violent Naxalite activities
in rural areas, water crisis, unemployment and starvation in regions
like Palamau, Garhwa and Gumla - we can not solve any of these issues
unless we understand them in a "perspective", which history
provides.
Deoghar-based
author Prasanna Kumar Choudhary and Patna journalist Shrikant, have
recently authored a book: Swarg Par Dhawa (Raid On Heaven), published
by Vani Prakashan. The book deals with the Dalit Movement in undivided
Bihar from 1912 to 2000. But, I will pick up a chapter: Kamia, Criminal
and Kala Akshar Bhain Barabar, for discussion. The chapter deals with
the condition of bonded labourers belonging to the Bhuinya, Dusadh
and Kahar groups in the Palamau region. The book, quoting authentic
and official sources, states that Palamau had about 60,000 bonded
labourers, who constituted almost 35 per cent of the agricultural
labour force during the first-half of the 20th century.
In
fact, it was the agricultural set up that compelled the land-less
people to work as bonded labourers. Often treated with disdain for
belonging to a "low caste" the groups lived on society's
fringes. They were so marginalised that loans had to be procured for
basic responsibilities like marriage, food, re-payment of debt inherited
from fathers or for performing shradh. The people had no way out other
than taking petty amounts from zamindars, who lent the money on the
condition of life-time bonded labour. In the "bond" signed,
the man in debt made the commitment to work at the zamindar's farm
with his wife and children. Besides, the cost of paper, stamp and
"writing the bond" was also added to the amount.
The 410-page book has reproduced many such "bonds" as exhibit.
The bonded-labourer with his family, usually comprising five members,
worked for 360 days at the landlord's farm for which he earned four
quintal of rice, 40 kg of maize and Rs 3 in cash per annum. Now, an
ordinary man had to meet many other expenses like buying clothes,
spices, and salt from the same earning. In case when a labourer left
his landlord and "breached the bond" the court invariably
ordered the police to arrest him and hand him over to the zamindar
with whom he had signed the "bond".
But,
as the book indicates, people living in shackles resort to "underground"
rebellion when they don't find any relief from the law or land. The
young generation of labourers who could not tolerate a life in shackles
resorted to rebellion, which manifested itself in various movements
and activities which the law defined as "criminal". The
book refers to many such incidents of violence on zamindars by Bhuinyas,
Kols and many other group in shackles. Thus, in a historical perspective,
the present violence in Palamau and other regions in Jharkhand appear
to be just a continuation of an ongoing rebellion against the system
for over a century.
Swarg
Par Dhawa seems to be the most comprehensive and detailed study of
the Dalit Movement in undivided Bihar. It is a must read for any academic
carrying out research on social movements in the region, and it proves
a point in history's favour.
